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Profiles
Lonely Liberal Vows
to Fight GOP Tide
November
28, 1994
The Los Angeles Times
By Nancy Hill-Holtzman
Henry Waxman, a once dominant figure in Congress' dominant party,
has become the epitome of the lonely liberal Democrat.
His views are as out of favor as his party. His life's work
is on the chopping block, with Newt Gingrich and other Republican leaders holding
the cleaver. Even Waxman's devotion to public service has been called into question
by a segment of the public that equates politics with corruption.
"I'm stunned when I think large parts of the American people
think it's wrong to have a career in public service, even though I've always considered
it a high calling," Waxman said.
Admittedly taken by surprise when his party lost control of
the chamber Nov. 8, Waxman said he briefly considered going into a new line of
work -- quite a statement from someone who began his political career in 1968
and has represented the core of the Westside in the House for 20 years.
"I felt that way for a few days," said the 55-year-old
congressman. "Now I'm ready to fight back this right wing wave that's sweeping
the federal government. I don't think that's what the American people want and
I certainly don't think that's what they deserve."
Until Election Day, Waxman was at the apex of his power, pushing
his major cause in recent years a much publicized congressional investigation
of the tobacco industry. But in one of the most dramatic examples of what this
year's election meant to senior Democratic congressmen, Waxman's subcommittee
on health and the environment probably will be headed by Rep. Thomas J. Bliley,
Jr. (R-Va.), who comes from a tobacco-growing area and has announced that he will
call off the probe.
"He's acting like he's taking over the tobacco committee,
not the health committee," said a gloomy Waxman.
Waxman's own easy reelection was but a Democratic flicker in
a Republican light show of epic proportions. Worse, Republicans have promised
to take aim at much of what Waxman holds dear. Subsidized health care for the
poor, environmental regulations and AIDS research are only a few Waxman favorites
subject to overhaul.
"I was in the minority in many ways in the past,"
Waxman said in a lengthy interview in which he reflected on the election results.
"Now I'm clearly in the minority." Waxman calls the Democratic reversal
of fortune a "wake-up call" for a splintered party. And in a startling
admission for someone who has been so tied to the congressional status quo, Waxman
said, "Democrats have been in power for too long."
In the wake of historic gains by the GOP, Waxman said Democrats
in Washington are awash in the kind of self-examination that only such a shellacking
could trigger.
"Democrats are going through a soul-searching, regrouping
and mourning process," he said. "It's going to take awhile."
The legislator has already reached his own conclusions about
the forces that propelled the first Republican takeover of both houses of Congress
since the 1952 elections (a time when he was preparing for his bar mitzvah).
"I think we failed," he said of his party. "We
have to recognize we will be a permanent minority unless we put forward our agenda
in a way the American people can understand it."
A case in point, he said, was President Clinton's health care
plan, which Waxman termed an "unfortunate factor" in the Democratic
losses. Voters, stirred up by advertising by special interests, didn't understand
what the President was trying to accomplish, Waxman said.
By contrast, he added, the presumptive next Speaker of the House
-- Gingrich, of Georgia -- has succeeded in delivering his message. But it's a
message -- portraying Congress as out of step with the needs of everyday Americans
-- that Waxman does not accept. Furthermore, he rejects that as the underlying
reason for the Republican Revolution.
"People voted with a lot of anger and they focused their
hostility on Democrats," Waxman said. "Many Americans are frustrated
and frightened over a decline in earning power and over the fear that tomorrow
may be worse for them." That is the one consolation he draws from this fall's
vote. Republicans will no longer be able to simply block legislation, then blame
Democrats for running an inept, corrupt Congress. Instead, the lines will be clearly
drawn, and the GOP will be held accountable by the public, Waxman said. One was
a measure to require stricter rules for lobbyists. Another was legislation to
make environmental and sexual harassment laws apply to Congress, which is now
immune from them.
And as the Republican majority works to slash government spending
programs, Waxman said, voters will come face to face with what it means to cut
services to the needy, which may not be so appealing in practice as on paper.
"I think it's horrible we are going to be treating people who need help because
they're old or poor or sick as though they are somehow undeserving," he said.
He said post-election "gloating" by Gingrich and other
GOP leaders is a first step in educating the public to the kind of regime they
have empowered.
"It's very ungracious of them," Waxman said. "President
Clinton held out his hand to Republicans right after the election and Newt Gingrich
tried to bite it off."
But even if the Republican agenda proves unpopular, Waxman said,
it will not be enough to return Democrats to power unless they unite behind their
leadership. He called on Democrats who have tried to fend off the conservative
tide by taking Republican positions to return to their roots.
Although a pragmatic politician, Waxman has not backed away
from his roots, despite the unfashionable standing of liberalism. He appears unconcerned
about his political future too.
Although he no longer enjoys the clout that made him, in the
words of the American Political Almanac, "about as powerful as a House member
can be," Waxman won 68% of the vote in his district -- a larger margin than
two years ago.
Under the House seniority system, Waxman won't lose his office
or parking place. Indeed, he was eligible for, but turned down, better digs that
became available because so many of his colleagues got the boot from voters.
But there isn't an office in Washington that could compensate
the Westside lawmaker for what he lost Nov. 8 -- the power to shape the American
agenda.
He made it clear he would like to get it back, saying: "When
you're in the minority, you have to fight to become a majority."
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